On War and the Approach to Peace - Nagalingam Ethirveerasingham

" Please accept my best wishes for peace to you, your children and Sri Lanka during the New Year. I write this letter to you as a response to your address to the Tamil people in the North. I am a Tamil from Jaffna, now residing in the U.S... I have first hand knowledge of the embargo and the question of the breakdown of the last peace talks - I taught at the Kilinochchi Campus of the University of Jaffna during 1994/1996, and in the Vanni area and the NorthEast on and off from 1996 - 2000. Suffice to say that I differ with you on many of the points you raised on those subjects...

At the outset I would like to give you the impression of what the Tamils really feel and think about the actions of the Sinhala leaders, past and present.

The Tamil community was treated as a group with no rights except those that the Sinhala majority granted to them for obedience and keeping to their station in life. Any demonstrations to exert their rights individually or communally were met with violence. There were Tamil leaders who cowed down and played the game of the Sinhala leaders like some Tamils still do.

Chelvanayagam stood up and gave courage to the people to peacefully demand and not to beg for their rights. When such Ghandian approaches were met with 20 years of violence, Tamil leader Pirapakaran came along and the new Tamils were born to fight and not to beg for the rights of the Tamils. Many Tamils grovel figuratively or literally at the feet of Sinhala leaders for favours for themselves, their friends, and kith and kin in the guise of helping the Tamil community. Since the Emergency Regulations and the Prevention of Terrorism Act such behaviour has increased in order to save lives. Your address to the Tamil people is a continuation of the same attitude and approach of the past Sinhala leaders. But the Tamils have changed. Tamils do not want to make decisions as to how the Sinhala people should govern themselves nor do they want the Sinhala people to make such decisions with respect to Tamil affairs. It is important for you to address in words and deeds the Tamil community as equals..."

Her Excellency President Chandrika Kumaratunge-Bandaranaike
President's Office
Colombo 1, Sri Lanka

Please accept my best wishes for peace to you, your children and Sri Lanka during the New Year. I write this letter to you as a response to your address to the Tamil people in the North. I am a Tamil from Jaffna, now residing in the U.S. The source of your address is the Daily News of 01.09.01 and the Island of 01.10.01.

I have first hand knowledge of the embargo and the question of the breakdown of the last peace talks - I taught at the Kilinochchi Campus of the University of Jaffna during 1994/1996, and in the Vanni area and the NorthEast on and off from 1996 - 2000. Suffice to say that I differ with you on many of the points you raised on those subjects.

My statements are based on the views I gathered from the Tamil people of all walks of life from Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Mannar, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Amparai districts during the last six years when I worked and traveled in the region.

At the outset I would like to give you the impression of what the Tamils really feel and think about the actions of the Sinhala leaders, past and present.

Your address to the Tamil people is a continuation of the same attitude and approach of the past Sinhala leaders. But the Tamils have changed. Tamils do not want to make decisions as to how the Sinhala people should govern themselves nor do they want the Sinhala people to make such decisions with respect to Tamil affairs. It is important for you to address in words and deeds the Tamil community as equals.

More importantly, if peace is to be achieved, you should treat the Tamil leader, Pirapakaran, as an equal. Thus you will demonstrate to the Tamil community that they are equal to the Sinhala community. Negotiation can only bear fruits if the negotiating parties and their leaders consider each other as equal.

Your statement, "The only way to achieve that peace is for the two warring sides, the two sides that are engaged in the war is to agree to end the war," is correct and I am sure is appreciated by all Tamil and Muslim people, many Sinhala people and the international community. However, Tamils are not certain that your Government is sincere in their desire to end the war by negotiation with the LTTE. Tamils are sure that the LTTE wants to end the war only if the aspirations of the Tamil people can be achieved by negotiations. If not, they, and the Tamil people, will continue the struggle until Tamil aspirations are achieved.

You mentioned that, "The second aspect that I mentioned earlier, of our strategy is in order to end the war to negotiate with the LTTE and come to an agreement which will be satisfactory to the Tamil people, to the Sinhala people and to everybody. "

The LTTE have reiterated many times during the past two years their wish to negotiate a political solution based on the Thimpu Principles. Having first hand knowledge of the suffering of the Tamil people and their children, it is my view that the restrictions on all food, medicines, education and agriculture input materials should be genuinely lifted as such items should not be used as weapons of war or as a chip for negotiation.

Also a well monitored and negotiated ceasefire is important for any substantial discussion of a political solution to take place. The LTTE has already declared the ceasefire. You can respond to it positively, through Norway if necessary, for its extension and monitoring. Rather than dwell on the appropriateness of the declaration of the ceasefire and misleading the people as to the weakness of the LTTE, it is best to match and go beyond the LTTE's offer. During the ceasefire phase, Norway could facilitate the modalities of the lifting of the restrictions, which in practice amount to an embargo, on essentials.

"The Tamil Nation must take the decision to establish its sovereignty in its homeland on the basis of its right to self-determination. The only way to announce this decision to the Sinhalese government and to the world is to vote for the Tamil United Liberation Front. The Tamil speaking representative who get elected through these votes, while being members of the National State Assembly of Ceylon, will also form themselves into the "NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF TAMIL EELAM" which will draft a constitution for the State of Tamil Eelam and to establish the independence of the Tamil Eelam by bringing that constitution into operation either by peaceful means or by direct action or struggle." Manifesto of TULF at 1977 General Election

Though the Sinhala leaders, including yourself, are finding it difficult to accept, the fact is that LTTE is carrying out the mandate that the Tamil and Muslim people in the North and East gave in 1977 to implement the Vaddukkoddai resolution. Though the Tamil and Muslim leaders of the past were weaned away from that position, the LTTE continued their promise to the people by taking up arms. The Vaddukkoddai resolution was later translated by all the Tamil parties at the Thimpu talks as the Thimpu Principles. It is for a solution based on these principles that the LTTE has been advocating and fighting a war on behalf of the Tamil people. The Tamil people do not want the LTTE to lay down their arms and join the farce, like former Tamil militants have done.

It is the belief of the Tamil people that without the LTTE we will be back to square one, back where we were in 1956. We don't want to make our mistakes twice. The Tamil people are not going to abandon the LTTE to accept your thoughts and attempts at a solution through amendment to the constitution. Any such amendments, if it becomes a reality, will only be a temporary solution without a Tamil force to resist a majoritarian reversal of the amendments. Tamils have learned their lessons and they have earned the right for their freedom by paying the highest price.

Unfortunately, the UNP, your government, the media, moderates and many Sinhala people refuse to acknowledge the true aspirations of the Tamil people. Deceiving the Tamil people by defining the Tamil problem as a government administrative and implementation problem, and in terms that have no relevance to the causes of the problem will not win Tamil hearts and minds.

Lifting the embargo on paper, in 1995, and in reality permitting a bottle each of gingili oil, coconut oil, kerosene and petrol, a packet of camphor, and two 'D' cell batteries to be taken to the North did not compensate the aspirations of the Tamil people. Now you wish to compensate the Tamils for the destruction you caused by giving them a market for their produce and the promise of rebuilding the damage in turn for them to withdraw their support of the LTTE who are continuing to fight for Tamil rights! I hope you and your supporters can see the incongruity of it all. Unfortunately none of your Tamil, Muslim and Sinhala advisors seem to brief you on the reality of the problem.

Your other point is, "The third aspects of our strategy for peace is to give an accelerated development programme to the North and the East which on one hand has been destroyed by the war and on the other hand

Your offer to build the Jaffna library, reconstruct the bombed out buildings, restore electricity and telephone, and repair 10 years of destruction and neglect of the infrastructure is not going to solve the political problem that was created and has continued since 1956. You are only promising the people the minority rights and material things and the infrastructure they had before 1983.

"...the military forces of this country under the able command of Colonel Udugama, surprised the non violent satyagrahis - about 200 in number - at the Jaffna Kacheri by a skilful manoeuvre. Without resorting to any shooting, but by a deft application of belts, batons, rifle-butts and legs, they routed the enemy and covered themselves with glory. ..

So far as the population outside these areas were concerned, they were peaceful, non violent and attending to their normal work...

Why was a curfew imposed? Why have the military on their own imposed a curfew even in villages in respect a curfew had not been declared?

Why are the farmers of Jaffna who ordinarily go their fields in these hot days at 4 a.m. in the morning prevented from doing so till well after 6 a.m.? Why have the military been beating and thrashing innocent passers by on the streets of Jaffna?

Why have some of them been helping themselves to goods and articles in shops and asking the owners to send the bills to the Federal Party leader? Why have cars been commandeered as if a great military campaign was afoot? Why has petrol been issued on permits in Jaffna when there is enough petrol for everybody? Why have the military prevented people from having their lights on at night?... Why have they set fire to fences and madams and put the blame on the people?

Are these acts of organised terrorism and lawlessness the result of any orders given to the army to strike terror into the inhabitants of Jaffna so that they might give up their agitation for their language rights?

Today there is greater lawlessness in the Northern and Eastern Provinces and particularly in the Jaffna Peninsula than there has ever been at any time in its recent history - lawlessness by the guardians of the law...

If history teaches anything, it teaches us that national movements thrive on terrorism and repression .." - Senator.S. Nadesan, Sri Lanka Senate Hansard, 2 May 1961

The people voted for separation and took up arms when they had all of the material things that you are promising to them now. People may enjoy the respite if ever reconstruction starts in Jaffna. But that will only be temporary. Reconstruction would solve the problem if the death and destruction were caused by natural disasters, but it will not solve the problem when it is caused, and continues to be caused, by Sinhala leaders and Sinhala armed forces. Your Generals now want to stop, by force, all peaceful demonstrations in Jaffna and Batticaloa against the war. Your mother did that in April 1961 in Jaffna.

Reconstruction should follow upon the resolution of the conflict not vice versa. You mentioned to Duncan White and me when we were your guests at Temple Trees about the corruption that you inherited from UNP and the corruption that is continuing under your government. I am sure you are aware of the corruption at the RRAN since the embargo started in 1990 and continues to this day.

If the donors gave the Rs.40 billion that your consultants estimated in 1995 for reconstructing the North, I need not tell you the amount that will be lost to corruption during the award of contracts and the implementation process of reconstruction.

The Tamil negotiators in 1995 wanted the Tamils in the NorthEast and not Colombo to make the decisions on all matters related to reconstruction. But your negotiators wanted Colombo to make those decisions. If Tamil authorities cannot make the decision on reconstruction, what are the chances of them being allowed to make decisions on their political, economic and social matters? The farce of a NorthEast Provincial council administration is not what Tamil aspiration is all about.

It is unwise for the Tamil people to accept reconstruction while the war is on, not only because only a fraction of the aid will reach them, but also the continuing war will destroy what ever was rebuilt. Tempting the Jaffna people with events that will not takeplace or are at best short-term gains insults their intelligence and assumes their gullibility. They have learned their lessons during the past fifty years of deception. Some Tamils from Jaffna who stand to gain personal power, positions, privileges and monetary gains I am sure will agree with your plans and support you. But they are not going to be of help in solving the problem.

The third point about the draft constitution to which you referred, "The two aspects if I may repeat are first the constitutional, legal and political proposals in order to guarantee firmly and on a long term basis the Tamil and minority people's rights. That has to be achieved through a new constitution legally and politically. The sincere and honest will of the government is to implement what is contained in the new constitution. My government has drafted the new constitution."

This statement needs a genuine and frank response so that you will not be mislead by the few Tamils who support your policies.

"The (1993) Select Committee proposal.. denies the existence of the Tamil homeland in the NorthEast of the island.

It seeks to impose a nine province pseudo 'federal' structure on the island - 'pseudo' because according to the Chairman of the Select Committee, the report envisages 'devolution of power' without using the term 'federal in any manifest sense'!

The seven Sinhala provinces in the South will be treated in the same way as the two Tamil provinces in the NorthEast. That in itself is proof enough of the meagre nature of the powers that may be exercised by each province. Furthermore, the dominant Sinhala majority will continue to rule at the centre.

The Select Committee proposals do not address the issues raised by the armed conflict and by the national struggle of the Tamil people.

The Select Committee proposals do not address the underlying causes of the armed conflict and ignores the call of 15 non governmental organisations at the UN Commission on Human Rights in February 1993 that there is an urgent need for the international community to recognise that the Tamil population in the North - East of the island of Sri Lanka are a 'people' with the right to freely choose their political status." 1993 Parliamentary Select Committee Farce - Nadesan Satyendra

Your proposal attempts to solve the problem by amending or replacing the current constitution, but does nothing towards aiding the Tamils to achieve their aspirations.

As most informed people are aware, the present proposal is not really accepted by many key Sinhala members of your government, the opposition, and many groups of the Sinhala people. In reality the SLG does not have anything that would have a chance to pass through parliament or at a referendum to propose to the LTTE. In effect the government really has nothing to propose to the LTTE if any negotiation starts other than the draft constitution which even your government, the Parliament and the Sinhala majority will not accept.

You have therefore chosen the LTTE as the scapegoat and are trying to convince the Tamil people you will give them kerosene and soap, rice and dhal, and throw in some minority rights as a good measure if they support your policies. What kind of Tamils are going to fall for this? Not the LTTE, not any Tamils in the NorthEast whom I have listened to and I respect, and definitely not me.

To use Abraham Lincoln's idea, Sinhala governments can no longer fool all the Tamils all the time. A quote from his first inaugural address on March 4, 1881 is also appropriate to give emphasis to the problem Sri Lanka faces. He said,

It is not going to stop until the problem is resolved by negotiation by the two parties to the conflict, as equals, in the presence of an international mediator like Norway, under a conducive atmosphere. To get a truer understanding of the Tamil aspirations and their will, you may also wish to take note of Thanthai Chelvanayagam's statement during his last years,

It is the responsibility of the Tamil people to make the Sinhala brothers and sisters want to make peace with us not war.

Kumar Ponnambalam, in his last letter addressed to you, has given the best advice to the Tamils.

(Represented Ceylon in the 1952 and 1956 Olympic Games and three Asian Games. Won the first Asian Games gold medal for Ceylon in 1958. Taught in Universities in Sierra Leone, Papua New Guinea, Nigeria, and Jaffna, and worked for UNESCO for five years.)

18102 Harvest Avenue,
Cerritos, California, 90703, USA
Tel: 562 860 0191; FAX: 562 860 5661
email:

On War and the Approach to PeaceAn Open Letter to the Sri Lanka President

On War and the Approach to Peace
An Open Letter to the Sri Lanka President