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Home > International Conferences > First International Tamil Conference Seminar > A Critical Study of Tamil Documents Pertaining to the History of Jaffna - K.S.Nadarajah > The Tamil Heritage - History & Geography
First International Tamil Conference - Seminar
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
18 - 23 April 1966
A Critical Study of Tamil Documents
Pertaining to the History of Jaffna
K.S.Nadarajah
Introduction
- a Consonant exclusive to Tamil
A general study of the documents, extant in the Tamil language, which have a bearing on the historical background of the Jaffna Peninsula, does always evoke much cultural interest and afford abundant scope for valuable research. Not all the documents, available to the scholar in this field, have been exploited in full for the purpose of extracting material data in the compilation of an exhaustive analytical survey of the history of the Peninsula and the door yet remains open for much further research in the revision of hitherto recorded accounts. This paper aims at focusing the attention of the student interested in the history, pertaining to this part of the Island of Ceylon, to but a few of the glaring instances of misconception, confusion and diametrically opposing interpretations in analyses, hitherto attempted, and is necessarily limited in its scope to be deemed, per se, any comprehensive treatise on this subject.
For the purpose of brevity, only two ancient main documentaries have been culled out of the large fund of relevant literary and historical works for critical study.
Historians have, by and large, depended on 'Yãlppana Vaipava Mãlai’ for an account of the political and social survey of the Jaffna Peninsula. ‘Yãlppãna Vaipava Mãlai’ is a work of Mayilvakanap pulavar, who lived in Jaffna in the 18th Century A.D. This work provides a glimpse into the early history of Jaffna, beginning from the period of the reign of Vibhisana to that of the Dutch Conquest.
A verse in the preface of the book (verse 1) acknowledges that Mayilvãkanap Pulavar wrote the ‘Yãlppãna Vaipava Mãlai’at the request of Maccara, who was the Administrator of the Dutch possessions in Jaffna in 1736. (1) The preface reveals that the poet drew his material for the early history of Jaffna from ‘Vaiyãpãdal’, ‘Kailãyamalai’, Pararãcacekaran Ula’, and ‘Rãcamurai’. While the last two manuscripts provided the insight into the chronological account of the ‘Aryaccakkaravarti’ Kings of Jaffna, the poet utilised the first two for his material on the early settlements of Jaffna. Since the last two works, ‘Pararäcacëkaran Ula’, and “Rãcamurai’ are no longer available, ‘Yãlppãna Vaipava Mãlai’ is now the main source of data for the history of the ‘Aryaccakkaravartis’. ‘Vaiyäpãdal’ and ‘Kailäyamälai’ are in print and they afford the student the basic material for a critical study of the pre-Aryaccakkaravarti era.
The ‘Vaiyäpãdal’ was printed from ‘Ola’ manuscripts for the first time in Jaffna in 1921 by Mr. J. W. Arudprakasam and in Penang in the year 1922 by Mr. E. T. Civãnantan. This book is reputed to have been written by the poet ‘Vaiyã’, the Court Bard of Cekarãcacëkaran, who reigned over the kingdom of Jaffna in the 15th Century A.D. The purport of the work, as portrayed in the third verse, (verse 3) was to narrate a recorded account of the kings of Ceylon of their dynasties and of their subjects.
Contribution of the Sage, Cubatiddu
In as much as Mayilvaganap Pulavar relied for his ‘Yalppãna Vaipava Mãlai’ of the 18th Century on the ‘Vaiyapadal’ and the Kailãyamalai’ of the 15th century, so did the author of the ‘Vaiyãpãdal’ depend for his history of the pre-Christian era of Ceylon on an account rendered by a sage named Cubatiddu, son of Atika Cittu, and grandson of the sage of the ‘Potia Malai’. The fifth verse of the ‘Vaiyapadal’ (verse 5) makes reference to this indebtedness to Cubatiddu, and to the latter’s identity.
Although the precise content of this account is now not known, it could well be inferred that the early part of the ‘Vaiyãpãdal’ does reflect the account by the sage, as acknowledged by the author ‘Vaiyà’. Strangely enough the author of ‘Yãjppãna Vaipava Mãlai’ has construed this account of the sage ‘Cubatiddu’ to be a prophesy, rendered to the King Cekarãcacëkaran of the 15th Century A.D. While the author of the ‘Vaiya Pädal’ would make one feel that the account of Cubatiddu is in fact an earlier work, its prophetic appellation in the ‘Yãppãna Vaipava Mãlai’ cannot go unchallenged on account of its obvious chronological inconsistency. It will be nearer the truth to hold that there was an account of Ceylon by the sage Cubatiddu long before the period of the ‘Vaiyãpädal’, and to accept the alleged “prophesy” of the sage, during the 15th Century, as a legend woven around the concept of the fifth stanza in the ‘Vaiyäpãdal’.
Agastiyar, the sage of the ‘Potia Malai’, is known to have lived in the first Cankam period of the Pandyan kingdom. Although there is a school of thought that the Cankam period belonged to the pre-Christian era, yet scholars like Professor S. Vaiyäpuripillai have concluded that the first three centuries after Christ, constituted the period of the first Cankam. Agastiyar, who lived not later than the 3rd Century A.D.. could therefore not have had a grandson, living as late as in the 15th century A.D. That the sage Cubatiddu foretold this “prophesy” in the 15th century A.D. in these circumstances is indeed in the nature of an anachronism.
First Kingdom of Jaffna according to the 'Vaiyapadal'
The ‘Vaiyäpãdal’ begins with an account of the end of Rãvana, and the crowning of Vibhisana by Rãma as the King of Ceylon. Its verse 12 narrates how the sandy stretches of the northern coastal belt of Lanka were developed into a fertile and productive Kingdom by a ‘Yãl’ player, who performed in the presence of Vibhisna. The next stanza goes on to relate how a King from India, who was the son of a cousin of Dasarata, was invited to rule over this land. The period of his rule is said to be 3000 of the Kaliyuga, corresponding to 101 B.C.
It is feasible to conclude that a kingdom of the Tamils existed in this part of the Island, during this period, for the following reasons:
(i) The story of the rule of the Tamil King Elãla in Ceylon in the 2nd century B.C. is well known, and the existence of the Tamils and their rule during and after that period cannot therefore be disputed.
(ii) In the Tamil Cankam period of ancient times, there is reference to ‘Tlattuppatan Tëvanãr’, who has to his credit four poems in the 'Nattinai’, three poems in the ‘Kuruntokai’, and three poems in the 'Aka Nãnüru’ - all of the Cankam Age. The Cankam period has been discussed at length by various scholars, and there is general consensus of opinion that this period can be located between the 3rd century B.C.. and the 3rd century A.D. (Since the scope of this paper is not to discuss the Cankam period, the findings of eminent scholars is being accepted in this connection.) The poet ‘Ilattup Pütan Tëvanãr’ can therefore well be deemed to have lived sometime during this period, 3rd century B.C. to 3rd century A.D. During the first century before and after Christ it will thus be conceded, there were in Ilam (Ceylon) Tamil scholars, on whom the highest literary body of the Pãndyan Kingdom bestowed its recognition. There must necessarily also have been a cultured Tamil society in Ceylon at that time.
The ‘Vaiyã Pãdal’ does not state categorically how Jaffna got its name ‘Yalppanam’. It may be surmised that the author took it for granted that the origin of the name was obvious from the fact that the ‘Yãl’ player founded the kingdom.
The ‘Kailãyamãlai’ relates that Jaffna was gifted to a ‘Yãl’ player by Vãlacinkan, a son of Ukkiracinkan and Mãrutappuravalli. This dates the origin of the name ‘Yä1ppänam’ to the 8th century A.D.
The ‘Yãljppãna Vaipava Mãlai’, relying on ‘Kailãyamälai’, relates that a blind poet by the name of ‘Kavi Vira Rãkavan’ also a ‘Yãl’ player, received a gift of the land from Vãlacinkan, son of Mãrutappuravalli and Ukkiracinkan, who reigned from Cenkadakanakar. (Rev. Fr. S. Gnãnaprakãsar is however of the opinion that the author of the ‘Yãlppana Vaipava Mãlai’ has confused Ukkiracinkan and Mãrutappuravalli for Kulakköddan and Adakacountari.)
Father Gnãnaprakãsar concludes that the story of the blind poet ‘Yal’ player Virarakavan has been elaborated from the ‘Vaivãpãdal’ narrative of the ‘Yal’ player, and confused with an episode of the poet ‘Kavivirarãkavan’ of a later period.
Another version of this account is that of Mr. A. Mootootambypillay in his Jaffna History. He seeks to establish that the land was gifted to a blind ‘Yãl’ player by King Elëlacinkan. during his reign in the 2nd century B.C.. Mr. Mootootambypillay’s authority for this theory came from a stanza in an anthology of verses entitled “Tanippädal”.
Underlying each of the above diverse accounts, is a single dominant figure in the ‘Yal’ player. It is important to evaluate these different versions in order to arrive at the most feasible record of this chapter of history. Before so doing, it will be both significant and relevant to examine the contentions of the various scholars, who have traced the origin of the name “Yãlppanam”.
Mr. S. Kumaraswamy, in his analysis of place names in the Northern province of Ceylon has the following observation to make:
"From the days of Kuperan and Ravanan Ilam (Lanka) was noted for her music on the harp: Ilamandalam boasted of talent which Rãja Rãja Pandiyan invited into South India to be a match to Virapattiran and Pattini, the unrivalled musicians of Madurai of his day; it is thus natural that the Tamil rulers of Ilam should appropriately have named the place ‘Yãlppãnam’ in recognition of her fame as the abode of musicians."
Rev. Fr. Gnãnaprakãsar, however, does not give credence to this version. In his Yã!ppãna Vaipava Vimarcanam (a critical history of Jaffna), he makes a counter-suggestion that the author of ‘Kailäya Mãlai’, may as well more plausibly have propounded the theory that ‘Yãlppãnam’ was derived by virtue of the name of her inhabitants — the ‘Yãlppãnar’ rather than attribute its derivation to the imaginative folk-lore of the blind lutist.
The learned Father falls back on the hypothesis expounded by Mudaliyãr A. M. Gunasekera that ‘Yalppanam’ is derived from the Sinhala translation of the name ‘Nallur’. ‘Yäpã’ from ‘Yahapat’ in Sinhala meaning “good” (nalla) and ‘Ne’ in Sinhala meaning “village" (ur) together combine to make ‘Yãpane’ in Sinhala to mean Nallur the capital of the Arya Kings of Jaffna during the 15th, 16th and 17th Centuries.
Yet another interesting interpretation of the name ‘Yãlppänam’ is offered by Dr. S. Paranavitãna, in his article entitled ‘The Arya Kingdom in North Ceylon’. He says:
“The Sinhalese name ‘Yäpãpatuna’ means the port of Yäpã. .. . It seems to have come into vogue after the Malays or Jävakãs gained political influence in the Island. The word Jãvã or Javakä is also found in the form Yãvã or Yävakã. The Chinese equivalent of Jãvã, Chipo, indicates that the ‘v’ was one time pronounced as ‘p’, i.e. Jãpã. The ‘Kulöttunkan Kóvai’ in one stanza mentions Cavakam (Jãvaka) as a country which acknowledged the supremacy of Kulóttunka III, and in another stanza makes a similar mention of Cãpam. It is possible that Cãpam and Cãvakam both refer to the same country, Java or Javaka. If so, the change of ‘v’ to ‘p’ in the name is attested in Tamil also. The change of ‘v’ to ‘p’ could also have developed in the course of the name being pronounced by the Sinhalese, for this phonological process is attested in that language by such words as ‘lapa’ for Sanskrit ‘lava’ and ‘Sapana’ for Sanskrit ‘Carvana’. ‘Yãpãpatuna’ would thus signify the ‘Port of the Javakas’.... The modem form ‘Yalpanam’ must also go back to this Sinhalese name.”
The fact that a Jãvaka by the name of Candrabhãnu and his followers invaded Ceylon in the middle of the 13th century A.D. is vouched for in the History of Ceylon published by the Ceylon University. It is held in that publication that “the term Jãvaka, by which Candrabhanu is referred to, applies not only to the people of the Island of Jävä, but also to those of Sumãtrã and the Malay peninsula, for all these were, and largely still are, of the same race.” (2)
Candrabhãnu was therefore a Malay. “He had brought large areas of the north of Ceylon under his control, consolidated them into a kingdom and gained the confidence of the people of these districts, including the Sinhalese, by good Government and benefactions to religion, before he advanced to Yãpãvu. Cãvakaccëri in the Jaffna Peninsula, and Jävakakötte (3) on the mainland of Ceylon were most probably strongholds established by Candrabhãnu before he advanced into the Mayarata.”(4)
And now to assess the merits of these different theories: The so called ‘Sinhalese name’, ‘Yãpãpatuna’ is a combination of the words ‘Yãpã’ and ‘Patuna’. The latter is a corrupt form of the Tamil word ‘pattinam’, meaning a sea-port-town. This word has been used in the very same sense as early as in the Cankam Tamil Literature, Pattinappãlai. (5)
The change of ‘v’ to ‘p’ in the word Jãvã cannot be justified in Tamil by a solitary example, ‘Cãpam’, a word which has many other meanings in Tamil such as vow, curse etc. The terms ‘Cãvakaccëri’ and ‘Cavãnkôttai’, two place names in Jaffna, attributed to the ‘Jãvakãs’ do not reflect such a change. Nor in Tamil literature is there evidence of any such change in the word ‘Jãvã’ which occurs therein as ‘Cãvakam’. Further ‘Jävã’ has never been referred to in Tamil Literature as such or as ‘Jãvã’, and so, a change from Yãvã to Yãpã does not simply arise. In the circumstances. ‘Yãpä’ cannot be considered to be a Tamil form of ‘Jãvä’. It is neither the Sinhala form of ‘Java’, for in Sinhala Literature, Jävä had never been referred to as ‘Yãpã’. ‘Já’ or ‘Javö’ is the common term in Sinhala connoting the ‘Jãvakãs’ or the Malays as found in place names such as ‘Jã Ela’, ‘Jãwatte’ etc. It is incredible that the Tamil word ‘Pattinam’ could have been suffixed to a so-called Sinhala word ‘Yãpã’ derived from ‘Jãvã’. The obvious conclusion, therefore, is that ‘Yapãpatuna’ is a Sinhala form of the Tamil name ‘Yãlppänapattinam’.
The interpretation of Mudaliyãr A. M. Gunasëkera, given to the name ‘Yalppãnam’, that it is derived from ‘Yãpane’, a translation into Sinhala of the Tamil name ‘Nallür’, contradicts Dr. Paranavitãna’s theory dealt with in the preceding paragraphs. It is quite far-fetched that the already famed Tamil Capital ‘Nallur’ came to be renamed by the Tamils, after the Sinhala equivalent of the name of this place. It is besides neither customary nor traditional generally to translate place-names from one language into another for common usage. If it were indeed true that the ‘Nallur’ of Jaffna was known to the Sinhalese communities by the Sinhala translation of this name, it cannot be explained how the ‘Nallur’ of Pänadura, in the Western province of Ceylon has been known to them as ‘Nallüruva’ and not by its alleged Sinhala translation. Obviously, the Sinhala form of the Tamil word ‘Nallur’ is 'Nalluruva' and not ‘Yapane’; and therefore, the conclusion that ‘Yãlppãnam’ was derived from the Sinhala form of the name ‘Nallur’ (Yäpane) is not tenable. ‘Yãpane’ could, therefore, be only an aberration in the Sinhala of the Tamil word ‘Yälppfanam’.
Other Probable Tamil Place Names
In this context, it may be of interest to cite a few place-names in other parts of the Island, which suggest a Tamil origin; in the Western Coast such as Puttalam, Ciläpam (Chilaw), Nirkolumbo (Nikumpalai, Negombo), Kalattarai (Kalutara), Pãnanturai (Pãnadura), Mätarai (Matara), Teivanturai (Dondra); in central Ceylon such as Kandy, Pulatinagar (Polanaruwa), Mineri (Minëriya), Senkadagala and indeed in the Eastern coast, pure Tamil names such as Mullaittivu, Tirukonamalai (Trincomalee), Mütur, Verukal, Vãkaneri, Vãlaiccënai, Tirukkövil, Akkaraippattu, Puliantivu, Kalmunai, Kalkudã, Mandur, Cenkalladi, Eravur, Köddaimunai, Kãttankudi, Ceddipälayam, Pãndiruppu, Nintavür, Vantãrumülai, Sammãnturai, Mãnkeni, Paniccankërni, Väkarai, and Katiraveli. A host of other names in the Vanni district referred to in the Vaiyapädal such as Adankappattu, Ceddikulam, Mullimanagar (Mulliavalai), Tanikkal, Punakari, Tampalãmam, Koddiyaram, Vattãppalai, Tunukkãvur (Tunulckãi), Ittimadu, Nedunkëni, Noccimöddai, Pulveli and Vidattaltivu, point to a Tamil origin and derivation. A digression at length on this subject is however not relevant here. Mention nevertheless of the Kôtagama Tamil inscription, found in the Kegalle district, must be made to illustrate that Cekarãcacëkaran V, also known as Ceyaviracinkai Ariyan, King of Jaffna (A.D. 1380), over-ran south Ceylon and held sway over a greater part of the Island during his reign.
The Name Yalppanam (continued)
In reverting to the evaluation of the theories affecting the origin of ‘Yalppanam’, the story of the ‘Yãl’ player comes up for closer examination. ‘Vaiyäpadal’ simply relates that a ‘Yal’ player of Vibhisana developed the ‘Manattidatkãdu’ (undeveloped sandy stretch) in the northern coast of Ceylon. The ‘Kailãya Mãlai’ ventures to provide the name of the donor of the land to the ‘Yãl’ player. The ‘Yäjppana Vaipava Mãlai’ goes a step further to cite the name of the ‘Yal’ player himself.
Rev. Fr. Gnanaprakasar has already shown in his ‘Yalppana Vaipava Vimarcanam’ that the authors of ‘Kailaya Mälai’ and 'Ya!ppãna Vaipava Mãlai’ had woefully failed in trying to identify the donor and the receiver of the land, confusing them with two other persons who were not contemporaries. The verse cited by Mr. A. Moothoothambippillay bears the semblance of proof that the land ‘Yalppänam’ was gifted to a blind poet musician by Elëlacinkan, who was a powerful Tamil ruler of the major part of Ceylon in the 2nd century B.C.. This date coincides to some extent with the date given in the ‘Vaiyãpãdal’ in relation to the episode of the ‘Yäl’ player.
Plausible as this version may seem to be, it is baffling that no reference to ‘Elëla’ was made in the ‘Vaiyapadal’. Besides, the structure of the verse in metre, style and phraseology that had been put into the mouth of the blind poet in praise of ‘Elela’ are distinctly of a later period. The verse form ‘Kaddalaikkalitturai’ had not been adopted by any Tamil poet of South India or Ceylon, prior to the 3rd century A.D.
Prof. S. Vaiyäpuripillai dates the incidence of the ‘Kalitturai’ in Tamil Literature only as from the period of ‘Civakacintãmani’.’(6) ‘Akaval’ and ‘Vaflci’ were the main forms of poetry of the early Christian era. Although the ‘Kali’ and the ‘Venbã’ forms came into use immediately after this period, ‘Kalitturai’ as a verse structure is not traceable in any writings related to this period. Moreover, the particular verse attributed to the blind poet has other recorded versions, wherein slight modifications are embodied in the last line, substituting alternatively the names, ‘VãIacinka’ and ‘Cinkai Pupa’ in place of ‘Elëlacinka’. Mr. Moothootbambyppillay’s citation of this verse as ipso facto proof of ‘Elëla’ donating the land to the blind musician cannot be authentic.
The blind poet ‘Antakakkaviviraräkavan’ is said to have lived during the time of the last kings of Jaflna.’(7) Any one of them, whose capital was ‘Nallür’, could not have gifted Jaffna to the blind poet, for, Jaffna is known to have been ruled by the Ariya Cakravarties up to the time of Cankili, from whom the Portuguese captured this kingdom.
The origin of the name ‘Yalppãnam’ must therefore be traced to the ‘Vaiyäpadal’. The ‘Vaiyäpadal’, dates the episode of ‘Manattidatkãdu’ having been transformed into a kingdom by the ‘Yãl’ player, who performed in the court of Vibhisana to 101 B.C. This date synchronises with that of the ‘Rämäyana’, which according to Prof. M. Winterniz (8) falls during the period 3rd century B.C. to 2nd century A.D., and Rämãyana is said to have been composed by Välmiki, who lived contemperaneously with Rämã himself.
The reference to ‘Kannaki’ in the ‘Vaiyãpãdal’, provides yet another test to establish the authenticity of the dates, appearing therein. The ‘Vaivãpãdal’ relates that in the ‘Kali’ year 3392, which corresponds to A.D. 291. ‘Mãnãkan’, father of ‘Kannaki’, commissioned a sailor to obtain the precious stone, ‘Nãgaratnam’ from Ceylon for his daughter. ‘Kannaki’ is the main character in the ‘Cilappatikãram’, which Prof. S. Vaiyapuripil!ai concludes was not written before A.D. 300. The probable date of this work according to Mr. M. Rãgavaiyangar is 5th century A.D. The date given in the ‘Vaiyapãdal’, identifying the life-time of ‘Kannaki’, the wife of ‘Kövalan’, could therefore not be too wide off the mark.
'Yal' Player not an Interpolation
It can now be concluded that the ‘Vaiyãpãdal’ is not an unauthentic record of events, although interpolations and copying errors therein cannot altogether be discounted. The stanza relating to the ‘Yal' player, however, cannot possibly be considered an interpolation, as there are references to the contents of that stanza in the other verses of the book. This stanza appears besides, in its identical form in the two separate editions, one printed in Jaffna in 1921 and the other printed in Penang in 1922. There was besides a prose version of the ‘Vaiyapãdal’ in manuscript form in about the 18th century A.D. (9) and it contains the story of the ‘Yal’ player, as found in the original verse form of the ‘Vaiyäpädal’
The consonant '
' found in the name ‘Yälppänam’
is a letter exclusive to the Tamil Language and to languages derived from Tamil. Hence, the word ‘Yãlppanam’ could have originated only from a Tamil source.
This analysis must now draw its conclusion that the name ‘Yãlppanam’ owes its origin to no other source than to the ‘Vaiyäpädal’ record of the ‘Yal’ player account. This name, however, is reported to have gained currency particularly after the 10th century A.D., according to a verse found at the end of the ‘Kailayamalai’. in which the date of construction of the town of ‘Yãlppänam’ is vouched for as Saga 870 (viz A.D.948) (10)
1. Mayilvakanappulavar, Yalppana Vaipava Malai, edited and published by Mudaliyar Kula. Sabanathan, Colombo, 1953.
2. Vajyapuri Iyar, The Vaiya Padal, edited and Published by Arudpragasam J. W., Jaffna, 1921.
3. Vaiyapuri Iyar, The Vaiya Padal, edited and published by Civanantan, E.T., Penang, 1922.
4. Kalveddum Vaiyavum Ceyyedum, an old manuscript published by Dr. K. Kanapatyppilai, Colombo.
5. Mutturaca Kaviracar, Kailaya Molai, edited and published by Jambulingampillai, S. V., Madras, 1939.
6. John’s History of Jaffna, part I, 3rd edn., — edited by Daniel John, M. M., American Ceylon Mission Press, 1930.
7. History of Jaffna (Yalppana Vaipavam), edited by Brahma Sri Balasubramaniya Sarma, S., published by S. Ponnuccamypillai, Jaffna, 1927.
8. Matiaparanam, K., Yalppana Purvika Vaipavam, Navalar Press, Jaffna,1927.
9. Ramecan Koman, Cekaracekara Malai, Cotida Paripalana Press, Ragunatha Iyer R. S., 1942.
10. Mootootambypillay, A., Jaffna History, 3rd edn., Navalar Press, Jaffna, 1933.
11. Gnanaprakasar, Fr. S., A Critical History of Jaffna (The Tamil Era), The Gnanaprakasa Yantra Salai, Jaffna, 1928.
12. Vayapuripillai, S., Kaviya Kalam, 2nd. edn., Tamil Puttakalayam, Madras, 1962.
13. Paranavitana, S., “The Arya Kingdom in North Ceylon,” Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series, Vol. 7, pt. 2, Colombo, 1961.
14. History of Ceylon, Ceylon University Press, 1960.
15. Gnanaprakasar, Fr S., “Ceylon Originally a land of Dravidians,” Tamil Culture, Vol. 1, No. 1, 1952.
16. Velupillai, K., Yalppana Vaipava Kowmuti,” Jaya Sri Saratapidentra Sala, 1918.
17. Nattinai Tirunelvelit Ten India Saiva Nur patippuk Kalakam Madras 1962.
18. Kuruntokai, Edited & published by S. Kalyanasundar Iyer Madras, 1947.
19. Aka Nanuru, Edited & published by N. M.Venkatasamy Nadar, Saiva Sittanda Nutpatippuk Kalakam, Madras.
20. Kadiyalur Uruttirankannanar, Paddinappalai of the Pattuppaddu, Edited and published by U. V. Swaminatha Iyer, Madras, 1931.
22. Winternitz, M., A History of Indian Literature, Vol. 7, University of Calcutta, 1927.
22. Kumaraswamy, S., Place names in the Nothern Province of Ceylon. (Appendix to Yalppana Vaipava Kowmuti by K. Veluppillai.)
23. Ilankovadikal, Cilappatikaram, S. Kalyanadsundar Iyer, Madras, 1944.
1.S.Paranavitana “The Arya Kingdom in North Ceylon,” Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society New series. Volume 7, Pt. 2, pp. 176, 177 (1961)
2. University of Ceylon, History of Ceylon, p. 624, Ceylon University Press, 1960.
3. This is commonly known as ‘Cavankotte’ and it is situated in the Jaffna Peninsula.
4. University of Ceylon, History of Ceylon, p. 626, Ceylon University Press, 1960.
5. Kadialur Uruttirankannanar, Pattinappalai of the Pattuppaddu, p. 525, Edited & published by U. V. Swaminata Iyer, Madras 1931. Line 218.
6. Professor S. Vaiyapuripillai, Kaviya Kalam, p. 181, 2nd edn., Tamil Puttakalayam, Madras, 1962.
7. Fr.S.Gnanapragasar, Yalppana Vaipava Vimarcanarn, p. 16, Jaffna, 1928.
8.M.Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, Vol. 1, p. 516, University of Calcutta, 1927.
9.Kalveddum Vaiyavum Ceyyedum, an old manuscript published by Dr. K. Kanapatypillai, Colombo.
10. The interpretation given by Fr. S. Gnanapragasar to the phrase is Saga 1000 + 170 = Saga1170 = A.D. 1248. (See Fr. S.Gnanaprakasar Yalppana Vaipaya Vimarcanam, p. 67, Jaffna, 1928.
